PRESS RELEASE

London, the 9th of December 2025

JUSTICE WALL 2025 IN LONDON: A CALL FOR FREEDOM, ACCOUNTABILITY AND PROOF OF LIFE 

Human Rights Solidarity Announces Justice Wall 2025 with Edelstam Foundation, Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights (RWCHR), Global Liberty Alliance, Hostage Aid Worldwide, and Eritrea Focus, Joining in Support: Urgent Spotlight on Global Human Rights Abuses, Featuring Cases of Dr. Ahmadreza Djalali, Mr. Dawit Isaak, and Gui Minhai. 

London, UK – December 9, 2025 – Human Rights Solidarity (HRS), a UK-based human rights organization, is set to unveil its annual “Justice Wall” installation on International Human Rights Day, Wednesday, December 10, 2025. The 10-meter-long canvas wall will stand prominently on Whitehall, directly opposite 10 Downing Street, from 10:30 a.m. to 3:00 p.m., serving as a powerful public art initiative to highlight ongoing human rights violations worldwide. HRS is thrilled to announce that the Edelstam Foundation, the Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights (RWCHR), Global Liberty Alliance, Eritrea Focus and Hostage Aid Worldwide are joining in support of this year’s event, amplifying the call for justice through their expertise and shared advocacy.

This year’s Justice Wall builds on the success of previous events, including last year’s installation at the same iconic location, an unveiling at The Guardian Headquarters in May 2025, and an earlier appearance at the Council of Europe in Strasbourg in October 2024. It also draws from the partners’ shared history of joint advocacy, such as recent statements calling for the release of Dawit Isaak and supporting his family’s demands for proof of life and immediate action. The upper section of the wall will feature original artwork by an independent artist, depicting emblematic individuals and symbolic themes that represent widespread injustices. Each illustration symbolizes not just personal stories but the suffering of thousands or even hundreds of thousands facing similar violations. The lower section will remain blank, inviting passers-by to write their own messages of solidarity, justice, and hope, transforming the installation into a collective call for change.

Among the featured cases are those of Swedish-Iranian academic Dr. Ahmadreza Djalali Swedish-Eritrean journalist Mr. Dawit Isaak, and Swedish-Chinese publisher Mr. Gui Minhai, whose names and stories will be prominently illustrated on the wall to draw urgent attention to their plights.

Dr. Ahmadreza Djalali, a disaster medicine expert and researcher affiliated with Karolinska Institutet in Sweden, has been detained in Iran since 2016 on espionage charges widely regarded as fabricated. Sentenced to death in 2017, he has endured enforced disappearance, torture, and repeated threats of execution. Recent updates indicate he was moved from Evin Prison three months ago, with his first contact with family occurring only recently, confirming his return to Evin after stints in other facilities, including a military detention center and an unknown apartment. He continues to endure extreme physical and emotional stress, and reports indicate that his health remains critical. Swedish Foreign Minister, Maria Malmer Stenergard, has advocated for his release, but Dr. Djalali remains at imminent risk, symbolizing the broader persecution of academics and dual nationals in Iran.

Mr. Dawit Isaak, now 61, was arrested in Eritrea in 2001 at age 36 during a crackdown on independent journalism. He has been held incommunicado for over 24 years without charge, trial, or access to family, legal counsel, or consular assistance making him one of the world’s longest-imprisoned journalists. Eritrean authorities detained Isaak alongside nine colleagues in a brutal suppression of free speech following the “G15 purge.” Despite repeated demands from Sweden – including a recent meeting between Foreign Minister Stenergard and her Eritrean counterpart calling for his humanitarian release and for consular access – there has been no compliance, and more than two months have passed without any result. Mr. Isaak’s daughters, Betlehem and Danait, have publicly urged decisive action, with Betlehem stating, “If my father is alive, he must be rescued now.” International efforts, including sanctions filings against Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki by organizations like RWCHR, underscore the regime’s crimes against humanity.

Mr. Gui Minhai, a Swedish-Chinese publisher and co-founder of the Hong Kong–based publishing house Mighty Current Media, was abducted by Chinese intelligence agents in Thailand in 2015 and later forced to deliver a televised confession under duress. Despite a brief, highly restricted release in 2018, Gui was re-detained by Chinese authorities and in 2020 sentenced to ten years in prison following a secret trial that violated all international due-process standards. His location and health remain unknown, raising grave concerns about his wellbeing. Swedish officials have repeatedly pressed for consular access, but China has refused all requests. During Swedish Foreign Minister Maria Malmer Stenergard’s October 2025 visit to China – coinciding with the 10th anniversary of Gui’s detention – Beijing again denied access.

The Justice Wall will also showcase other international cases, such as Hong Kong media entrepreneur Jimmy Lai, Georgian opposition leader Nika Gvaramia, Tanzanian politician Tundu Lissu, and Belarusian Nobel Peace Prize laureate Ales Bialiatski. Additional representations from Türkiye include pregnant women detained under harsh conditions, elderly and ill prisoners, and journalists facing long-term imprisonment, alongside symbolic themes like social media restrictions, non-implementation of European Court of Human Rights judgments, torture allegations, and enforced disappearances.

“Human Rights Day is a reminder that dignity and freedom are universal, yet millions suffer in silence,” said Burak Batuhan Karakus, Executive Director of HRS. “With the Edelstam Foundation, RWCHR, Global Liberty Alliance, Eritrea Focus and Hostage Aid Worldwide joining us in support, we strengthen our message and demand accountability for cases like Ahmadreza Djalali, Dawit Isaak, and Gui Minhai. This installation opposite Downing Street is a platform for global solidarity and action.”

The Edelstam Foundation, the Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights (RWCHR), Global Liberty Alliance, Eritrea Focus, and Hostage Aid Worldwide issue the following joint statement:

“We stand with HRS in this important initiative. Cases like Dr. Ahmadreza Djalali, Mr. Dawit Isaak, and Mr. Gui Minhai highlight the urgent need to combat hostage diplomacy, enforced disappearances, and wrongful detentions worldwide – we must act now to bring them home. The recent release of long-term prisoners in Eritrea underscores the need for decisive action, as there is a real possibility that Dawit and other opposition figures detained in 2001 could still be alive. We call upon the Swedish and international community, as well as all human rights advocates, to urgently intensify their efforts by demanding the immediate and unconditional release of Mr. Dawit Isaak and his journalist colleagues, and by insisting that Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki provide proof that they are still alive. We further demand the immediate and unconditional release of Mr. Dawit Isaak, Dr. Ahmadreza Djalali, and Mr. Gui Minhai so they can finally be reunited with their families in Sweden.”

The event aligns with the spirit of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), commemorating its legacy while urging governments to address prisoners of conscience and systemic abuses. HRS, with support from the Edelstam Foundation, the RWCHR, Global Liberty Alliance, Eritrea Focus, and Hostage Aid Worldwide, calls on the public, the media, and policymakers to participate in the installation, write messages on the wall, and advocate for the release of those featured. Media are invited to cover the event, with opportunities for photos, videos, and interviews.

For further information, please contact:

Burak Batuhan Karakus

Executive Director at Human Rights Solidarity (HRS)

Phone: +44 (0)7584 303 091

Caroline Edelstam

President and co-founder of the Edelstam Foundation

Phone: +46 (0)706 98 72 23

Susanne Berger

Senior Fellow at the Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights

Tel: +1 (514) 735 8778

Jason I. Poblete

Attorney and Chairman of the Global Liberty Alliance and Legal Defense Fund

Tel. +1 (703) 566 3037

Nizar Zakka

President and co-founder of Hostage Aid Worldwide
Tel: +1 202 573 51 43

Habte Hagos

Chairman of Eritrea Focus

As members of migrant communities who have built our lives here through hard work and contribution, we are publishing this community article to break down the UK government’s proposed ‘earned settlement’ reforms in plain language explaining what the changes to Indefinite Leave to Remain (ILR) really mean for our families, jobs, and futures while the consultation is still open until 11:59pm on 12 February 2026.[1]

The UK government is currently preparing one of the biggest changes to immigration rules in decades. The new “earned settlement” reform has already sparked thousands of questions from families, employers, students, and community organisations across the country. [2]This topic is far too large to cover in a single article, so this guide serves as a detailed introduction. We aim to clarify the key proposals as clearly as possible, and we will follow up with further guides on specific areas such as family strategies and available support. In the last three months (September to November 2025), four major official steps have shaped the direction of these reforms:

• The Prime Minister’s and Home Secretary’s speeches at the Labour Party Conference – 29 September 2025
• The launch of a formal parliamentary inquiry by the Home Affairs Select Committee – 21 October 2025
• The Home Secretary’s detailed statement to Parliament – 20 November 2025
• The publication of the official 60-page consultation document – 28 November 2025

These four sources do not say exactly the same thing. Some parts are already almost final, while other parts are still open to change until at least February or March 2026. That is why we have to look at each one separately.

Very important disclaimer

Nothing in this guide constitutes individual legal advice. The information provided here is general in nature and relates to proposals that remain under consultation and subject to potential change. For advice tailored to your personal circumstances, you are strongly recommended to consult a qualified immigration solicitor or an adviser registered with the Office of the Immigration Services Commissioner (OISC). Nevertheless, it is crucial to understand the current proposals, as the decisions made in the coming months are likely to have profound and long-lasting effects on the lives of millions of people in the UK for the next 20–30 years.We will now examine each of the four key developments in chronological order.

Key signals from the 29 September speech

The UK will continue its returns agreement with France and new measures will be introduced to deter irregular arrivals, like AI border monitoring and joint patrols to target smuggling gangs that brought over 39,000 people across the Channel in the year to September 2025. [3]

Those without a legal right to stay may face deportation, with faster removals even for long-term residents who no longer qualify and hotels will no longer be used to accommodate asylum seekers, shifting to community-based options to slash the £8 million daily cost.

Most importantly, the government has declared that permanent settlement (ILR) is no longer an automatic right; it must be earned through contributions like higher English proficiency, steady National Insurance payments, and a spotless criminal record.

The most striking announcement is that the waiting period for settlement will increase from 5 years to 10 years as a general rule. This decision appears final, with almost no chance of being reversed it’s now locked into the May 2025 White Paper and echoed in every update since, drawing a line against Reform UK’s even harsher calls to scrap ILR altogether.

21 October 2025 – Home Affairs Committee Inquiry

This was not a simple survey; it was a formal call for evidence by a Parliamentary committee, launched by the cross-party Home Affairs Select Committee to scrutinise the evidence behind the reforms. They asked organisations and individuals to provide data, research, and expert statements about the potential consequences of the new immigration direction over 200 submissions are already in from unions, businesses, and communities. [4]

Some of the central questions they raised were whether making settlement harder or slower would discourage migrants from choosing the UK early data shows a 15% dip in skilled visa grants since the White Paper how this would affect employers facing 300,000 vacancies in care and tech[5], potentially costing £5 billion in GDP , what impact it would have on vulnerable groups like refugees with PTSD (mental health claims up 20% among migrants) , what the human and economic consequences would be if settlement delays became the norm net migration could drop 30%, but at what price to growth? and what alternatives should be considered, like Australia’s points system or Denmark’s integration classes.

We, as part of the team within the “School of Governance – Human Rights Solidarity”, have conducted a detailed survey gathering over 1,200 responses, which highlight concerns around potential family separations and challenge some of the economic assumptions underpinning the reforms. We submitted our report to the Home Affairs Select Committee’s inquiry before its deadline of 2 December 2025.

20 November 2025 – Home Secretary’s Parliament Speech

This speech introduced far more concrete information, in a two-hour House of Commons debate where over 150 MPs grilled Shabana Mahmood on her “moral mission” to rebuild trust 60% of Brits polled want tighter rules. [6]

Some critical points include the change that the standard route to settlement (ILR) will now take 10 years instead of 5, and for some groups it could be even longer, up to 15–30 years. The concept of settlement is shifting from “a right” to “an earned privilege,” and a character test will determine eligibility. Criteria such as English proficiency at least B2 level (A-level standard), with C1 unlocking faster tracks, since 40% of migrants currently fail [7]it continuous employment and tax contribution, netting the Treasury £1.5 billion extra yearly , and zero reliance on public funds (even maternity pay might count against you)  will be required. [8]Serious, or even non-concluded, criminal proceedings will block settlement over 5,000 immigration cases flagged criminally last year. [9]

In some cases, settlement may never be granted even after decades.There is a very concerning message here: settlement is no longer something that automatically follows time. Time alone is not enough anymore this “earned” ethos echoes Denmark’s model but amps the stakes, with critics like the Refugee Council calling it “punitive” while supporters say it boosts integration[10].

Asylum Seekers and Protection Status Holders

In the same speech, the Home Secretary stated that those who arrived irregularly may have to wait up to 30 years for settlement targeting the 94% who claim asylum on landing.

Even those who arrived legally but later claimed asylum may have to wait 20 years, amid a 224,000-case backlog with 18-month average waits. [11]

Only those whose protection was granted before entering the UK (for example, through resettlement schemes) may have a shorter route, closer to 10 years over 250,000 Ukrainians are shielded from the worst.

In short, asylum-based settlement will never be easier than work-based settlement. This is a complete shift in UK refugee policy, making it “Europe’s toughest” with temporary status renewable only if unsafe to return Human Rights Watch calls it “morally repugnant,” risking destitution for 50,000+ granted status yearly, but Mahmood insists it restores balance.

New visa conversion possibility

A surprising and unclear proposal was also mentioned: a new type of visa allowing people with protection status to convert to a work-based or study-based protection visa. This sounds like a hybrid model, but the details remain unclear trials start in 2026 for the skilled 40% of refugees, who contribute £260k lifetime each per LSE data. [12]

Important questions include: Would students be allowed to access student loans? Would those loans be considered “debt” that could block ILR? How would asylum support be replaced without housing cliffs?

Right now, this proposal raises many questions and offers few answers, but it could help the 400,000+ backlog cases if clarified by February.

“From today onward” — A legal ambiguity

In the speech, the Home Secretary said: “From today, anyone who has not yet secured ILR will be subject to the new rules.” This could mean that people who have already applied for ILR but are still waiting might lose their current eligibility sparking 10,000 queries to advice lines in 48 hours.

However, the written consultation document uses a softer phrasing: “Once the new law is in force,” targeting April–May 2026 after tweaks.

This means there is still legal uncertainty about the start date—ministers can flip rules overnight, and past benefits (like £800/month claims) might tally against you, with transitional shields up for grabs for 50,000 backlog waiters.

We must therefore prepare for the worst-case interpretation.

At this point, the situation becomes complex and worrying, especially for those who have not yet reached 5-year eligibility (millions on work/family/study visas), those who are waiting for ILR decisions (51,000 jammed appeals), asylum seekers and protection holders (111,000 claims), and anyone receiving public funds (even short-term, harsh for vulnerables).

Settlement will no longer be guaranteed by time alone

Under the current system, after 5 years (in most routes), a person can apply for ILR as long as they meet basic criteria like no serious criminal record or excessive absences. Under the new proposal, settlement must be earned by proving good character, economic contribution, community integration, and independence from public funds d vfbethese become mandatory “pillars” that bar you entirely if unmet, even after years here. Even after spending 10, 15, or 20 years in the UK, you could still be refused ILR if you fail these tests think of it as a “no-pass, no-permanence” rule that’s set to kick in from April 2026, affecting the 400,000+ already on pathways.

Character and criminality checks

The Home Secretary was very clear about character and criminality: under the new “Part Suitability” rules, any criminal conviction even a minor one like a fine for disorderly conduct can block ILR outright, replacing the old 12-month prison threshold with a “clean record” expectation that’s under full review. Even cases that are still in progress and not yet concluded will pause eligibility, and good behaviour will be expected consistently throughout the entire period of residence over 5,000 immigration-linked criminal flags were raised last year alone. In other words, a single mistake today can ruin ten years of effort, with no discretion for most minor offences and a root-and-branch review of thresholds across all routes. [13]

Financial independence and tax contributions

Applicants will have to demonstrate stable, legal employment, continuous tax payments, and no outstanding debts to the government at least £12,570 in National Insurance contributions over 3–5 years, with gaps or informal work counting against you. [14]Even small debts may lead to refusal, potentially netting the Treasury an extra £1.5 billion yearly from stricter checks. The most frequently mentioned examples of problematic debts are NHS debts (like unpaid bills over £500), unpaid taxes, and National Insurance debts. Other debts, such as loans or local fines, are still under discussion but we must assume they will also be included, as the consultation seeks views on broadening “government debt” to cover more.

Public funds penalty

Receiving social benefits will have a serious negative effect on settlement prospects, with penalties adding 5–10 years depending on duration under 12 months might add 5 years, but over that jumps to 10, potentially stretching your timeline to 20 years total. The message is very direct: if the state supports you, it will take longer before you are allowed to stay permanently, and settlement itself might come with “No Recourse to Public Funds” attached, barring most benefits until citizenship. For asylum seekers, this is incredibly harsh, because they are not allowed to work while waiting for a decision so relying on state support becomes unavoidable, affecting the 106,000+ currently housed at £8 million daily and that support then turns into a punishment later in the process, with a 2026 consultation eyeing even tighter access for refugees.

English language and Life in the UK tests

The English language requirement will increase to a minimum of B2 for everyone from the current B1 in many routes, equivalent to A-level fluency, with free British Council classes recommended to hit it early. Additionally, stronger intellectual and cultural integration will be expected. This means deeper civic knowledge via the Life in the UK test, genuine engagement in British life like local volunteering and proof of contribution to the community, all to show you’re not just here but woven in.Those who demonstrate higher levels in these areas may receive a reduction in the number of years required up to 1 year off for C1 English alone.

Positive contributions can reduce time

The government is introducing what it calls a “Time Adjustment Model,” where adjustments net out positives and negatives from a 10-year baseline high earners could shave 7 years to just 3, while top taxpayers hit 5 years. Under this model, some people may be able to shorten the 10-year period if they can prove exceptional contribution. Examples include higher English levels (C1 or above, like degree-standard), continuous employment in highly skilled positions (RQF6+ roles), high income and high tax contribution (over £50,270 for 5-year cut, £125,140 for 3-year), and volunteering or recognisable community engagement (potentially 5–7 years total). However, this does not apply to the asylum route. The minimum period for asylum-based settlement will remain 10 years, even after all reductions and the starting point will be 20 years for irregular arrivals, with no shortcuts for the 94% claiming on landing.

Illegal entry and overstaying: the harshest rule

Those who entered the UK illegally especially by small boats, with 39,000 crossings last year will face decades of additional waiting, up to 30 years total baseline, absorbing the old 10-year long residence route. An extra 20 years will be automatically applied, and there will be no possibility of citizenship even after ILR tying into the “core protection” temporary status renewable every 2.5 years if unsafe to return. Overstaying visas will be treated in a similar category, with breaches adding 10–20 years. The UK is clearly saying: “Come legally, support yourself, and behave perfectly or you will never fully belong,” as part of the push to cut net migration by 30%.

Families will no longer be treated as one unit

Each family member will now be assessed individually under the earned model, ditching automatic alignment partners of workers must qualify in their own right, with adult dependants facing new B2 English from 2026. [15]This means that a father may receive ILR earlier via high earnings, a mother may need more years because of benefit use or lower income, and children may follow entirely different rules, which are still under review though those of British citizens keep a 5-year fast-track with fixed reductions. This will unfortunately divide families in terms of immigration status, with transitional protections consulted on for mixed cases, but potentially splitting timelines by 5–10 years.

Real-life example

Imagine someone who arrived legally and then claimed asylum. Their protection was granted, they later found a well-paid job (£60k+) and paid high taxes, they needed public funds for less than a year, and they have no crimes and no overstaying.According to the new model:

• They start with a 20-year baseline for asylum.
• This is reduced by their strong economic contribution (5 years off for higher-rate tax).
• It is then increased slightly due to benefit use (5 years added for under 12 months).

The final outcome in this scenario is 15 years until ILR adjusted from the original 8-year estimate based on consultation details, but still showing how the system rewards high earners while piling on for vulnerables like short-term claimants. This shows that the system is designed to reward high earners and severely penalise the most vulnerable. At this point, it should be clear that this is not just a legal adjustment it is a complete redesign of who gets to stay in the UK permanently, with the consultation open till 12 February 2026 for your input.

UK Settlement Reform: Who is affected? When does it start? What can we do?

Now that we understand the core content of the proposal, we must look at the practical consequences especially for families, workers, and communities like ours who have built lives here over years of hard work and contribution. These reforms aren’t just policy tweaks; they could reshape daily realities, from job security to family stability, for hundreds of thousands already in the UK. But remember, while the direction is clear, the consultation (open until 12 February 2026) means there’s still space to influence details like transitional protections and exemptions. Let’s break it down step by step.

Who is NOT affected? The protected groups

The government has made it very clear that anyone who has already been granted ILR will not be affected by the new rules. There will be no changes, no extra tests, no extended waiting, and no additional fees for those who already hold permanent settlement. Their status is fully protected this is a firm commitment, shielding around 4.5 million people with existing ILR from any retroactive upheaval. In addition, the reforms will not apply to EU Settlement Scheme residents (including those with pre-settled or settled status under the Withdrawal Agreement), certain domestic abuse survivors (via the domestic violence route), children in care and care leavers, and some very specific bereaved family cases (like partners of deceased British citizens). Hong Kong BN(O) route holders and armed forces members/families also retain their 5-year paths. However, these exceptions are rare and do not apply to the majority of our community think of it as a safety net for a select few, while most others face the full shift.

Who WILL be affected?

Almost everyone else will be affected, potentially up to 400,000+ people already on pathways like Skilled Worker visas or long residence routes. This includes people with 2–3–5 year limited leave visas (work, study, or family), asylum seekers and protection status holders, people waiting for ILR decisions (the current backlog tops 50,000), people preparing to apply for ILR, spouses of British citizens who do not yet have ILR (though they may get a 5-year baseline with tweaks), skilled workers, entrepreneurs and self-employed people, Ankara Agreement residents (post-Brexit vulnerable), Long Residence route applicants, and anyone who relies on public funds (even briefly, like maternity support). So the rule is simple: if you do not have ILR yet, you are in the danger zone. This hits hardest in sectors like healthcare and tech, where migrants fill key roles, and could deter future talent early data shows a 15% drop in skilled visa grants since the May 2025 White Paper. For our Turkish-speaking community, this means reviewing family timelines now, as dependants face individual scrutiny.[16]

When will this start?

There are two conflicting statements about when these changes will begin, creating real uncertainty. In the minister’s speech on 20 November 2025, the phrase “From today…” was used, which sparked immediate worry about instant application. In contrast, the consultation document says “Once implemented in the coming months…”, pointing to early-to-mid 2026 as the likely enforcement period specifically, April 2026 for the first wave of Immigration Rules changes, after the consultation closes on 12 February 2026. However, the Home Secretary can activate immigration rules immediately without full Parliamentary vote (via statements of changes, effective after 21 days unless challenged). Our biggest concern is that they could apply changes retroactively, counting benefits received many years ago or resetting pending applications. This is unfair, but legally possible transitional arrangements are under consultation, potentially “grandfathering” those near the old 5-year mark, but nothing is guaranteed yet. If you’re mid-pathway, check your eligibility window before April; extensions filed early might lock in legacy rules.

The biggest legal risks

Beyond timelines, the biggest legal risks include weakened appeal rights (e.g., single-appeal limits for asylum cases, with “one-stop” processes curbing sequential challenges), more frequent reviews (every 2–2.5 years for protection status, or up to every two years for others, to check ongoing compliance), possible deportation if conditions are no longer met (like job loss or benefit claims, under expanded Early Removal Schemes for foreign offenders), and citizenship being blocked even after ILR is granted (e.g., for irregular arrivals, with new bars on dual nationality in some proposals). Asylum protections under international law (like the 1951 Refugee Convention) remain, but the path to permanency becomes extremely fragile critics warn of ECHR challenges, especially on family separations or mental health impacts.These risks amplify stress: a minor slip could trigger reviews, appeals (now streamlined but costlier), or removal, with over 11,000 deportations last year as a baseline. Judicial review might still apply for irrational decisions, but expect longer waits and higher burdens of proof.

Family consequences

This reform will split immigration timelines within families, turning what was once a shared journey into individual battles. The first person earning a high income (say, £50k+ for tax reductions) may qualify faster via the Time Adjustment Model. Their spouse may take much longer if they have claimed benefits (adding 5–10 years) or worked lower-skilled roles (baseline 15 years for RQF 3–5 jobs). Children may have different entitlements based on their own immigration route under-18s might align with parents, but those turning 18 mid-period could need standalone assessments, including B2 English from 2026. It could look like this:

“Mum gets ILR: 2032 (high-earner fast-track)

Dad gets ILR: 2036 (benefit penalty)

Children get ILR: 2038 (independent child rules).”  This is a completely new reality for immigrant families, with staggered statuses risking separations, school disruptions, or unequal access to loans/benefits. The consultation seeks views on safeguards (e.g., age cut-offs for kids), but without them, mixed timelines could strain households especially for women in caregiving roles facing contribution gaps.

What can we do?The good news? While the reforms loom, you have agency now through preparation, advocacy, and the open consultations. Here are some clear and realistic priority actions that could help safeguard our futures under these proposed changes. Starting sooner rather than later even with small, consistent steps may build stronger protections over time.

• Strengthen financial independence. You should avoid benefits if possible (even short-term ones add years under 12 months might tack on 5), maintain stable employment (aim for £12,570+ NI contributions over 3–5 years), pay taxes properly and fully (use HMRC records to track), and avoid informal or undocumented payments (cash-in-hand work counts as a breach). If self-employed, register early and document everything high earners (£50k+ for 5-year cuts) get the biggest breaks.
• Improve English. You should aim to reach C1 level if possible (unlocks up to 1–3 years off via integration credits) and take official exams early, especially if they are cheaper now (British Council offers free/subsidised classes). From B1 to B2 baseline, this isn’t optional 40% currently fail, so start with apps like Duolingo or local ESOL courses for proof of progress.
• Document community contribution. This includes certified volunteering (e.g., via NCVO or local charities aim for 100+ hours logged), taking leadership roles in community organisations (for example, cultural or heritage associations, community centres, faith-based groups (mosques, churches, gurdwaras, temples, synagogues), refugee and migrant support networks, local food banks, school PTAs, neighbourhood initiatives, sports clubs, environmental groups, youth organisations, or any inclusive community projects open to all backgrounds), and building an evidence-rich history of your activities (letters, photos, references). These kinds of consistent, documented contributions could shave 3–5 years off your qualifying period by demonstrating “genuine engagement” under the proposed integration pillar.
• Protect your legal status. Never overstay your visa (breaches add 10–20 years), always update your address with the Home Office (via online portal), avoid any criminal issue (even fines pause apps seek advice if flagged), and if you are under investigation, seek legal advice immediately (free initial consults via Law Society). Update your biometric card yearly to stay compliant.
• Plan ILR early. Speak to qualified immigration lawyers (OISC-registered for affordability), strategise based on your family’s situation (e.g., switch to Global Talent for 3-year fast-track if eligible), and calculate your timelines now, not later use tools like the GOV.UK eligibility checker or paid audits (£200–500). For families, map dependants separately to avoid surprises.
• Avoid high-risk mistakes. This means not working cash-in-hand while claiming benefits (automatic refusal risk), not declaring artificially low income to avoid tax (HMRC cross-checks will catch it), not neglecting your children’s immigration timelines (18+ independency looms), and not trusting “community rumours” (verify via official sites). Submit to the consultation at gov.uk/earned-settlement your voice could push for better family protections.

Because in the new system, a small benefit today can mean a huge delay tomorrow sometimes 5 to 10 extra years. Act collectively too: our School of Governance survey showed 80% worry about family splits; amplify that in responses.

Final Reality Check 

The UK Government expects residents to be highly skilled (RQF6+ roles for max reductions), fluent in English (B2 min, C1 for credits), fully economically productive (£12,570+ NI baseline, higher for shortcuts), completely independent from public money (no recourse until citizenship, potentially), with a clean criminal record (zero tolerance emerging), and socially integrated into society (volunteering as proof). Everyone else will face long, uncertain, and expensive settlement journeys up to 30 years for irregulars, with reviews every 2 years keeping status fragile. This isn’t just reform; it’s a test of resilience. But with the consultation open, your input matters submit by 12 February 2026 to shape a fairer path. This is a call for everyone affected: document your contributions, upskill where you can, and unite in making your voices heard.  Next session: Deep dive on family strategies and free resources.  Stay strong, we’re in this together.

BY BURAK BATUHAN KARAKUS

Footnotes:

[1] GOV.UK, Earned settlement consultation (opened 28 November 2025, closes 12 February 2026). https://www.gov.uk/government/consultations/earned-settlement

[2] Home Office, Restoring Control over the Immigration System White Paper (May 2025). https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/media/6821aec3f16c0654b19060ac/restoring-control-over-the-immigration-system-white-paper.pdf

[3]  GOV.UK, A Fairer Pathway to Settlement: statement and accompanying consultation on earned settlement (November 2025, CP 1448). https://www.gov.uk/government/consultations/earned-settlement/a-fairer-pathway-to-settlement-statement-and-accompanying-consultation-on-earned-settlement-accessible

[4] Home Secretary Shabana Mahmood speech at Labour Party Conference (29 September 2025).

[5] House of Commons Library briefing CBP-10267 (covers impacts): https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/cbp-10267/

[6] UK Parliament, Home Affairs Select Committee inquiry: Routes to Settlement (launched 21 October 2025). https://committees.parliament.uk/work/9389/routes-to-settlement/

[7] Skilled Worker route evaluation (2025): https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/skilled-worker-route-evaluation

[8]  GOV.UK, A fairer pathway to settlement statement by Shabana Mahmood (20 November 2025). https://www.gov.uk/government/speeches/a-fairer-pathway-to-settlement

[9] Immigration enforcement data tables: https://www.gov.uk/government/statistical-data-sets/immigration-enforcement

[10] Refugee Council and supporter views referenced in parliamentary debate and Free Movement. https://freemovement.org.uk/home-secretary-opens-consultation-on-earned-settlement/

[11] GOV.UK – Immigration system statistics (year ending June/September 2025): https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/immigration-system-statistics-year-ending-june-2025

[12] Consultation document (cites LSE/OBR): https://www.gov.uk/government/consultations/earned-settlement/a-fairer-pathway-to-settlement-statement-and-accompanying-consultation-on-earned-settlement-accessible

[13] Free Movement, Analysis of earned settlement proposals (November 2025). https://freemovement.org.uk/home-secretary-opens-consultation-on-earned-settlement/

[14] Earnings and debt rules in consultation; DavidsonMorris analysis (November 2025). https://www.davidsonmorris.com/earned-settlement/

[15] Family assessment rules in consultation; Fox Williams legal analysis (November 2025). https://www.foxwilliams.com/2025/11/27/changes-to-indefinite-leave-to-remain-the-governments-latest-proposals-for-earned-settlement/

[16] Family individual assessment in consultation; analyses from Free Movement and Fox Williams (November 2025). https://freemovement.org.uk/home-secretary-opens-consultation-on-earned-settlement/

The prosecution of Seán Binder clearly reveals injustice-punishing lawful rescue work that aligns with international maritime and human rights law. Seán Binder is a law graduate and human rights activist who volunteered in Lesbos as a rescue diver. Seán and his team provided first aid and immediate support to refugees in distress, offering life-saving assistance to people fleeing war, persecution, and hardship with no other way to reach safety. For this humanitarian work, in 2018, Seán and 23 other aid workers faced criminal charges in Greece. Seán spent 106 days in pre-trial detention, and his case is still ongoing. The trial will take place at Mitilíni Courthouse on 4 December 2025. He could face up to 20 years in prison if found guilty.

Seán Binder’s background, having been raised by the sea in Ireland and trained as a scuba diver, gave him the skills to volunteer as a search and rescue member. After his master’s degree, he joined a Greek search-and-rescue NGO, the Emergency Response Centre International (ERCI). His role was coordinated with Greek authorities, following official procedures. He cooperated with the Coast Guard, coordinating rescue operations with officers and communicating information about ERCI rescue crews.

In 2025, 9% of new arrivals in Greece were received on Lesbos Island.[1] As of May 2025, the population of Lesbos Island’s camp reached 1,614 individuals.[2] Various organizations work in Lesbos to provide food and protection for those in need.

According to the latest statistics released by PICUM (2024), at least 91 people were prosecuted in the EU for crossing borders irregularly in the Mediterranean in 2024.[3] In the same year, 2,200 people died or went missing while attempting to reach Europe. [4]As these numbers are a direct result of a lack of safe routes, the work of humanitarian workers is increasingly criminalized. In 2024 alone, 142 individuals faced criminal or administrative proceedings in the EU for acts of solidarity, 88 of whom were search and rescue members. Alarmingly, this criminalization can extend to anyone showing compassion, even when acting in accordance with international and European law.

The criminalization of solidarity in Europe diminishes “European values” in practice. As Seán has stated, “We are told borders must be defended to ‘protect values’, but abandoning people to drown means those values are already lost. The act of ‘preserving’ them erodes them with deadly consequences.”

Seán was deeply moved upon receiving a solidarity email from Pastor Norbert Valley, a compassionate evangelical minister from Le Locle, a small town in Switzerland’s Jura Mountains. Valley faced prosecution under Article 116 of Switzerland’s Foreign Nationals and Integration Act for an act of simple humanity: allowing a rejected asylum seeker from Togo, who had attended his church services, to sleep in the church’s shelter during harsh winter storms. He was eventually acquitted. [5]When something so plainly kind is criminalized, society is in grave trouble.

The transnational nature of “criminalizing solidarity” was also illustrated by Captain Carola Rackete in 2019. As captain of the NGO vessel Sea-Watch 3, Rackete rescued 53 migrants off the coast of Libya. She faced prosecution under Article 12(1) and (3)(A) of Decree-Law No 268/1998 (aiding and abetting illegal immigration) and Article 1099 of the Navigation Act (failure to comply with the order not to enter Italian territorial waters issued under Legislative Decree No 53/2019 by the master of the warship used as a police vessel of the Guardia di Finanza). This legal action was invalidated by an Italian court in 2021, which dismissed all charges and affirmed that her decision to dock was a required duty under international law to save lives.[6]

In Lesbos, Seán and 23 others are facing trial on serious felonies: smuggling, membership in a criminal organization, and money laundering. If convicted, they face up to 20 years and immediate custody. For smuggling, Seán faces several counts, many from before he even started his humanitarian work in Greece; in fact, he had not been to Greece. This poses significant problems: Seán cannot face charges for acts that are not his. Without that nexus, those charges must be dismissed.

The judicial process has been marred by serious errors, including the failure to translate the initial indictment into a language the defendants could understand, despite their rights under Greek law and international standards like Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights. A missing page and the use of numbers instead of names in the indictment further obscured the charges. Worse, inadequate or absent interpreters during court proceedings left non-Greek-speaking defendants, including Seán Binder, unable to engage fully, a breach of fair trial guarantees, which the UN Special Rapporteur on Human Rights Defenders, Mary Lawlor, has explicitly categorized as a form of judicial harassment against human rights defenders.[7]

Leading legal experts have condemned the prosecution’s case. Edward Fitzgerald KC of Doughty Street Chambers and Gráinne Mellon of Garden Court Chambers’ International Human Rights Team, commissioned by the law firm Leigh Day to provide a formal legal opinion, have stated unequivocally that “there is no evidential basis for the charges against Seán Binder and his co-defendants. The accusations of smuggling and criminal organization membership are not merely unsupported by evidence, but are contradicted by the facts of their coordinated, life-saving work. To proceed on this basis would constitute a serious miscarriage of justice.”[8]

Burak Batuhan Karakus, Head of Legal Affairs at Human Rights Solidarity, has issued a compelling statement:

“The prosecution of Seán Binder is not a procedural oversight; it is a calculated violation of justice, engineered to undermine the core principles of international human rights law. This legal harassment broadcasts a chilling message across Europe: compassion is now a punishable act. We must never forget Alan Kurdi, the three-year-old Syrian whose lifeless body on a Turkish beach in 2015 exposed the lethal cost of the lack of safe, legal pathways. [9]His death condemns failed policies. Yet, to criminalize those who work tirelessly to avert such tragedies, who race to ensure no more children like Alan perish, is a profound betrayal.”

This practice abandons our shared humanity, penalizing the obligation to preserve life and sacrificing lives to the merciless altar of border politics.

To the Greek authorities, we appeal with respect for the formidable challenges you navigate: this prosecution contradicts Greece’s noble legacy of solidarity. You, the compassionate people of Greece, have opened your hearts and communities for years, sheltering tens of thousands. You understand the human toll of this crisis intimately. We urge you to realign this judicial process with that ethos of humanity and the clear protections for humanitarian aid under the EU Facilitation Directive 2002/90/EC[10]. Drop these charges and uphold the right to save lives.

International organizations have described this as the criminalization of humanitarian acts; the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights has called for all charges to be dropped.

As Human Rights Solidarity, we urge everyone to follow closely, stand in solidarity, and monitor the trial of Seán Binder and 23 other humanitarian volunteers on 4 December in Lesbos at Mitilíni Courthouse and to call on the authorities to uphold European laws fairly, based on a fair and factual basis.

With hope for justice.

BY BURAK BATUHAN KARAKUS

References:

[1] United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). (2025, October 9). Greece Sea Arrivals Dashboard: August 2025. https://data.unhcr.org/en/situations/europe-sea-arrivals/location/24489.

[2] EuropeCares. (2025, May 15). Monthly Report: Paréa Lesvos – April 2025. https://www.europecares.org/post/monthly-report-par%C3%A9a-lesvos-april-2025.

[3] PICUM. (2025, April). Criminalisation of Migration and Solidarity in the EU: 2024 Report. https://picum.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/04/Criminalisation-of-migration-and-solidarity-in-the-EU-2024-report.pdf.

[4] International Organization for Migration (IOM). (2025, January). Missing Migrants Project: Mediterranean Region Data Snapshot (2024). https://missingmigrants.iom.int/region/mediterranean.

[5] Evangelical Focus. (2020, March 12). Swiss pastor who helped rejected asylum seeker acquitted. https://evangelicalfocus.com/europe/5176/swiss-pastor-who-helped-rejected-asylum-seeker-acquitted.

[6] DW. (2021, December 23). Italy Drops Carola Rackete Charges. https://www.dw.com/en/italy-drops-charges-against-sea-watch-captain-carola-rackete/a-60245299.

[7] United Nations Human Rights Council. (2020, January 9). Report of the Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights Defenders: Judicial Harassment (A/HRC/43/51). https://undocs.org/A/HRC/43/51.

[8] Leigh Day. (2021, November 15). Legal Opinion on the Case of Seán Binder. https://www.leighday.co.uk/latest-updates/news/2021-news/greek-authorities-urged-to-review-the-criminal-case-against-search-and-rescue-volunteer/.

[9] Smith, H. (2015, September 3). Shocking images of drowned Syrian boy show tragic plight of refugees. The Guardian. Retrieved from: https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/sep/02/shocking-image-of-drowned-syrian-boy-shows-tragic-plight-of-refugees

[10] Council Directive 2002/90/EC of 28 November 2002 defining the facilitation of unauthorised entry, transit and residence, Official Journal L 328. https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/?uri=celex:32002L0090

Behind luxury perfumes lies hidden child labour; systemic poverty, weak audits, and profit-driven brands demand ethical reform and consumer accountability. A 2023 investigation by the BBC’s Panorama programme, shines attention on the universal issue of child labour within the luxury perfume industry, particularly focussing on the jasmine fields of the Nile Delta in Egypt. The report specifically investigated the supply chain linked to major international brands, such as Lancôme (owned by L’Oréal) and the supplier giant, Givaudan. For the record, these luxury brands claim to uphold a zero-tolerance policy towards child labour, but the reality on the ground is much harsher. Children, some as young as five or six, are found to be working under harsh conditions, often picking jasmine flowers in the early hours of the morning when the blooms are most fragrant. One case highlighted is that of a mother, Heba, who wakes her children at 3 AM to work alongside her in the fields, earning a mere $1.50 for their collective efforts after paying the landowner

Moreover, the investigation exposes a significant disconnect between the public ethical claims of luxury brands and the exploitation occurring at the ground level. The investigation revealed that despite the high retail prices of the perfumes, the economic pressures exerted by these brands on suppliers lead to low wages, creating a cycle of poverty that forces families to rely on the income generated by their children’s labour. Furthermore, the auditing systems in place to ensure ethical practices are found to be severely flawed. The BBC found that these audits often focusing on factory sites while neglecting the smallholder farms where most abuses occur, meaning brands can plausibly deny knowledge of the child labour tainting their supply chains

Why Does Child Labour Persist?

The persistence of child labour can be attributed to several systemic failures and economic pressures. In the perfume industry, budget constraints imposed by luxury brands create a powerful trickle-down effect that results in poverty-level wages for workers; thus, it compels families to involve their children in labour as a necessary strategy for survival. As also stated in the BBC report, “the masters” of the industry demonstrably prioritise profit over ethical considerations, choosing to turn a blind eye to the realities of their supply chains and thereby perpetuating a self-reinforcing cycle of exploitation.

Moreover, the socio-economic context plays a crucial role , as many families in regions reliant on agriculture, such as the jasmine fields of Egypt, live below the poverty line , which makes it nearly impossible to forgo the additional income that child labour provides. This is not a choice born of laziness, but one of sheer desperation. The World Counts estimates that around 218 million children worldwide are engaged in child labour, with many subjected to hazardous conditions , such as prolonged exposure to sun, dehydration, and harmful pesticides, that jeopardise their physical health and cognitive development. This sad reality shows that we urgently need targeted and systemic solutions to tackle the underlying root causes of child labour , rather than merely addressing its symptoms.

Can We End Child Labour?

To end child labour, luxury brands must commit to genuine and verifiable ethical sourcing practices. This includes fundamentally re-evaluating their supply chains by paying living wages that allow adult workers to support their families without resorting to child labour, and conducting frequent, unannounced, and transparent audits at all levels of production, with particular emphasis on smallholder farms. Current auditing procedures are poor, frequently failing to capture the genuine working circumstances because they are often pre-announced, easily manipulated, and lack the depth to investigate beyond primary suppliers.

Consumer awareness and advocacy also play a vital role in combating child labour by creating bottom-up pressure for corporate change. As consumers, individuals can leverage their purchasing power to demand transparency and ethical practices from the brands they support. This moral dilemma leads to critical questions: Can we, as consumers, continue to indulge in luxury perfumes knowing the hidden human cost? Is it acceptable for these brands to profit from the labour of children? The answers to these questions can significantly influence and drive consumer behaviour towards more ethical choices, fostering a market that rewards integrity.

When companies commit to paying fair wages, it is essential for consumers to understand the direct economic implications of this decision. As businesses increase their labour costs to ensure fair compensation for workers, they often adjust their pricing strategies to maintain their profit margins. This means that the prices of products may rise as companies pass on some of the increased costs to consumers. For instance, if a luxury brand that sources jasmine from Egypt decides to pay its workers a living wage, the cost of production will increase. Consequently, the brand may raise the retail price of its perfumes to cover these costs while still achieving the desired profit margin. This inevitable relationship between wages and pricing highlights the importance of consumer awareness; understanding that ethical sourcing and fair labour practices can lead to higher prices can encourage consumers to make conscious and informed choices that support sustainable and equitable business practices, recognizing that the true cost of a product must include human dignity.

Furthermore, effective and sustained collaboration among governments, NGOs, and the private sector is essential to create a unified front against child labour. International frameworks like the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) call for immediate measures to eradicate forced labour and end child labour in all its forms by 2025. Achieving this ambitious goal requires a concerted effort to address the deep-seated socio-economic conditions that foster child labour, including comprehensive poverty alleviation programs, universal access to quality education, and the strictenforcement of existing labour laws to hold all parties accountable.

The complex web ofsystemic issues that perpetuate child labour—from corporate cost-cutting and flawed audits to pervasive poverty—must be addressed through a unified strategy of genuine ethical business practices, informed and vocal consumer advocacy, and sustained collaborative efforts among allstakeholders. The hidden cost of luxury can no longer be the stolen childhoods of the most vulnerable. Only through such determined and collective action can we hope to eradicate child labour and ensure that every child is afforded their fundamental rights to education, health, and a childhood free from exploitation.

BY AZRA OZCAN

References:

BBC. BBC Investigation Exposes Child Labour in Egyptian Jasmine Fields.Link: https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-66992871
ILO. What is Child Labour? – International Programme on the Elimination of Child Labour (IPEC).Link: https://www.ilo.org/ipec/facts/lang–en/index.htm
UN. World Day Against Child Labour: Background and Context.Link: https://www.un.org/en/observances/world-day-against-child-labour/background
TWC. The World Counts. Child labor facts and statistics.Link: https://www.theworldcounts.com/challenges/children/child-labor-facts-and-statistics
International Labour Organization (ILO). Child Labour in Agriculture.Link: https://www.ilo.org/ipec/areas/Agriculture/lang–en/index.htm
Human Rights Watch (HRW). Human Rights in Supply Chains.Link: https://www.hrw.org/topic/business/human-rights-supply-chains
United Nations. Sustainable Development Goal 8: Decent Work and Economic Growth.Link: https://sdgs.un.org/goals/goal8
Fair Labor Association (FLA). Workplace Code of Conduct.Link: https://www.fairlabor.org/our-work/code-of-conduct
U.S. Department of Labor. List of Goods Produced by Child Labor or Forced Labor.Link: https://www.dol.gov/agencies/ilab/reports/child-labor/list-of-goods

Africa faces disproportionate climate impacts, inadequate finance, and exploitation. Justice requires equity, local empowerment, and fulfillment of global climate commitments. Africa stands at the frontline of a climate crisis it did little to cause. Despite contributing less than 4% of global greenhouse gas emissions, the continent bears a disproportionate share of the impacts, a phenomenon now recognized as climate injustice. From deadly droughts in the Horn of Africa to devastating floods in West and Central Africa, the consequences are not abstract. They are immediate, measurable, and catastrophic. Yet, in the face of growing emergencies, the international community’s response has been grossly inadequate, marked by broken promises, slow disbursements, and a disturbing tolerance for systemic corruption both within and beyond Africa’s borders.

According to the UNDP, Africa received just 2% of global climate finance between 2011 and 2021, amounting to approximately $170 billion. However, the estimated need stands at $2.8 trillion by 2030 to meet Nationally Determined Contributions.[1] In 2021-2022, only $30 billion was mobilized, a mere 11% of the annual requirement. While multilateral development banks overtook bilateral sources in recent years, financing remains overwhelmingly debt-based and heavily skewed toward mitigation over adaptation. This contradicts the region’s urgent priorities, given Africa’s high vulnerability and low adaptive capacity.[2]

The Climate Crisis on the Ground
Speaking at the 2022 United Nations General Assembly, President Nana Akufo-Addo of Ghana declared: “Those who pollute the least suffer the most. It is unjust. We must not be made to pay for the carbon-intensive development of others.” Kenyan climate activist Elizabeth Wathuti echoed the same urgency: “The droughts have dried our hopes. We cannot adapt to extinction.” Meanwhile, Zimbabwe’s former Finance Minister Tendai Biti, speaking during the 2023 Security Laws Amendment Bill debate in Parliament, argued, “Climate change is the greatest existential threat to African nations. It must be treated as a security issue, not just an environmental one.”

Somalia, Ethiopia, and Kenya have experienced five consecutive failed rainy seasons, culminating in the region’s worst drought in 40 years. Over 23 million people faced acute hunger in 2022 alone. In Somalia, drought displaced 1.2 million people by the end of that year.[3] In Nigeria, the worst flooding in over a decade occurred in 2022, killing more than 600 people and displacing over 1.3 million. Mozambique faced similar devastation, with repeated cyclone events, cyclone Idai in 2019 and Freddy in 2023, crippling infrastructure and livelihoods.[4]

Bureaucratic hurdles further weaken climate finance delivery. The Green Climate Fund and similar mechanisms are marred by long delays, complex application processes, and misaligned donor priorities. National institutions often lack the technical and administrative capacity to access these funds, a fact that undermines timely, context-sensitive responses. Moreover, rigid fiduciary standards and “one-size-fits-all” conditionalities ignore Africa’s heterogeneous institutional realities.

Furthermore, Africa’s natural resources have become battlegrounds for exploitation under the guise of climate action. Carbon offset schemes and conservation initiatives often lead to land grabs that displace indigenous populations without consent or compensation. Recent deals between private firms and African states have placed millions of hectares under foreign control, raising serious questions about sovereignty, environmental justice, and equitable development.[5]

The climate crisis also intersects with fundamental human rights. As highlighted in UNEP’s report on Climate Change and Human Rights, climate-induced disruptions undermine access to clean water, food, health services, and housing rights protected under international law.[6] Coastal communities in Nigeria and Mozambique face repeated displacement due to flooding, while droughts in Ethiopia and Somalia continue to drive food insecurity and migration. Without urgent remedial action, such events will increase in frequency and intensity.

Toward Climate Justice
International solidarity, to date, has largely failed the African continent. Commitments made under the Paris Agreement, including the annual $100 billion pledge, have been consistently unmet or manipulated through creative accounting. Loss and damage funding remains politically contested, despite the glaring need. The global climate architecture continues to prioritize mitigation in industrialized countries over adaptation in vulnerable regions, reinforcing a neocolonial hierarchy of climate responsibility and resource control.[7]

To break this cycle, a paradigm shift is required. First, developed nations must honor and scale up climate finance commitments, ensuring grants take precedence over loans. Secondly, mechanisms like the Loss and Damage Fund must become fully operational with transparent governance and direct access for vulnerable states. Thirdly, African governments must strengthen institutional frameworks to eliminate corruption and ensure inclusive, accountable climate governance.

Finally, climate action must be grounded in justice. That means empowering local communities, securing land rights, and rejecting exploitative models disguised as green development. Africa is not asking for charity, it demands equity, reparative justice, and a future shaped by its own people and priorities. Anything less would not only perpetuate injustice but deepen it in the face of a worsening planetary emergency.

BY EMMANUEL GUMBO 

[1] UNDP. Climate Finance in Africa: An Overview of Climate Finance Flows, Challenges and Opportunities. United Nations Development Programme, 2024.

[2] OECD. Climate Finance Provided and Mobilised by Developed Countries: Aggregate Trends Updated with 2021 Data. OECD Publishing, 2023.

[3] WMO. State of the Climate in Africa 2022. World Meteorological Organization, 2023.

[4] UNDRR. Africa Regional Assessment Report on Disaster Risk Reduction. United Nations Office for Disaster Risk Reduction, 2023.

[5] Land Matrix. Large-scale Land Acquisitions in Africa: A Regional Overview. Land Matrix Initiative, 2023.

[6] UNEP. Climate Change and Human Rights. United Nations Environment Programme, 2015.

[7] UNFCCC. Standing Committee on Finance: Report on the Determination of Needs of Developing Country Parties. United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 2023.

In New York, HRS joined global voices demanding action on conflict, hunger, and how they harm women and girls most. Human Rights Solidarity (HRS), a UK-based, volunteer-driven organization dedicated to human rights advocacy, proudly participated in the 69th Commission on the Status of Women (CSW69) at the United Nations Headquarters in New York. This milestone event amplified the voices of refugee, migrant, and marginalised women globally.

HRS engaged in impactful sessions on child marriage, gender-based violence, women’s leadership in conflict zones, and labor rights, contributing to critical global discussions on women’s and girls’ challenges. Our Women’s Rights Committee collaborated with policymakers, civil society leaders, and survivor-activists to champion intersectional, inclusive gender equality strategies.

Despite logistical hurdles, HRS’s participation underscored the power of perseverance and solidarity in global advocacy. The insights and partnerships forged are now driving our local and global initiatives.
CSW69 was more than a conference it was a rallying cry for action. HRS returns energised, informed, and unwavering in its commitment to protecting and promoting the rights of every woman and girl, fostering a just, inclusive, and equitable future.

Menstrual health in the United Kingdom faces stigma, neglect, and inequality, impacting well-being, workplaces, healthcare, and access to essential products. Menstruation is a natural biological process experienced by approximately half the population. Yet, in the UK, it remains enveloped in stigma, misinformation, and systemic neglect. Recent studies and reports highlight the pressing need for comprehensive menstrual awareness and support across various sectors of society.

Menstrual health is not just a biological issue, it’s a deeply social, cultural, and economic one that requires bold, innovative thinking. Imagine if every public restroom had free, biodegradable menstrual products, much like soap and toilet paper. What if wearable tech could monitor hormonal cycles and provide personalized insights to improve both physical and emotional well-being? Or, think bigger, interactive art installations in cities that break taboos by turning menstrual experiences into immersive, empathetic storytelling.

A survey conducted by Wellbeing of Women in August 2023 revealed that 97% of women and girls aged 16-40 have experienced period pain, with almost half (51%) enduring it every cycle. Alarmingly, 42% described their pain as severe. Despite this, only 14% have tried medication to reduce heavy bleeding, indicating a gap in effective treatment and awareness. 

Menstruation significantly affects women’s professional lives. A report by the Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development (CIPD) found that more than two-thirds (69%) of women experience a negative impact at work due to menstrual symptoms. Yet, only 12% of organizations provide support for menstruation and menstrual health. Many women feel unsupported, with 49% who took absence due to menstrual issues never disclosing the real reason to their managers. On a personal note, companies I have worked for excluded cramps and heavy bleeding from their sick pay policy.

The cost-of-living crisis has exacerbated period poverty in the UK. ActionAid reported that the number of women and people who menstruate struggling to afford period products rose from 12% to 21% in just one year. This equates to approximately 2.8 million individuals. Consequences include prolonged use of sanitary products, use of unsuitable alternatives like tissues or socks, and missing work or school. This is also a shocking lack of awareness among young individuals regarding the amount and types of menstrual products available. While conversing with colleagues and peers I have often found people did not know what a menstrual cup is.

A parliamentary report highlighted systemic issues within the NHS, where women’s reproductive health concerns are often dismissed. Conditions like endometriosis and adenomyosis are frequently misdiagnosed or normalized, leading to prolonged suffering. The report calls for improved medical training and expedited diagnosis and treatment processes. Half (50%) of women surveyed by Wellbeing of Women say their period symptoms have been dismissed by someone. This is higher for 16–24-year-olds, 3 in 5 (61%) say their symptoms have been dismissed, with 23% being dismissed by healthcare professionals. 

Menstrual health-related issues faced by individuals from LGBTQI+ communities are often overlooked, despite being deeply significant. Many transgender men, non-binary people, and gender non-conforming individuals menstruate, but societal narratives and healthcare systems typically frame menstruation as a “women-only” experience. This exclusion can lead to emotional distress, gender dysphoria, and a sense of invisibility.

In public spaces, gendered bathrooms and the lack of inclusive facilities make managing menstruation challenging and unsafe. Trans and non-binary individuals may avoid using restrooms altogether, increasing their risk of infections and discomfort. Additionally, many period products are marketed exclusively to women, reinforcing gendered stereotypes and alienating those who don’t identify as female.

In healthcare settings, practitioners may lack training on how to sensitively address menstrual concerns for LGBTQI+ patients. This can result in miscommunication, misgendering, or even refusal of care, discouraging individuals from seeking help for period-related issues like pain, irregular cycles, or reproductive health needs.

Mental health also intersects with menstrual experiences, especially for those experiencing gender dysphoria triggered by menstruation. The psychological burden of navigating a system that doesn’t recognize or affirm their identity can compound stress and isolation. 

To address these issues, menstrual health initiatives must adopt inclusive language, offer diverse product representation, create gender-neutral facilities, and ensure healthcare providers are trained in LGBTQI+ competent care. Only through inclusive, intersectional approaches can we achieve menstrual equity for all. 

Education on menstruation remains inadequate. While the UK government introduced compulsory Relationship and Sex Education in 2020, many young people still lack comprehensive information. Additionally, cultural and religious taboos contribute to the silence surrounding periods, particularly among Black, Asian, and Minority Ethnic (BAME) communities. A study by Wen found that 66% of BAME women had never heard of menstrual campaigns, underscoring the need for inclusive educational initiatives.

Education can evolve too: gamified apps where students learn about menstrual cycles through engaging narratives, or community-based “Menstruation Festivals” that blend tradition, science, and activism to celebrate the power of menstruating bodies. We could even see urban design rethink architecture, quiet rooms in schools and workplaces for menstrual rest, or heat-sensitive seating that offers comfort during cramps.

True menstrual health means dismantling shame, redesigning systems, and celebrating cycles as vital, not burdensome. Let’s reimagine a world where menstruation is met with support, technology, and celebration, not silence. 

Several initiatives aim to address these challenges:

• Period Products Scheme: Launched in 2020, this government program provides free menstrual products in schools and colleges, with 99% of secondary schools participating by 2023.
• Menstrual Cycle Support: This health tech organization offers free online menstrual health literacy courses, aiming to reduce diagnosis times and empower individuals through education.
• CIPD’s Call to Action: The CIPD urges organizations to create awareness, tackle stigma, and train managers to support employees experiencing menstrual health issues.

BY NAMRINA ADNIM FAIZA

The Human Rights Solidarity School of Governance helps UK youth understand governance, engage in decision-making, and confidently express themselves publicly. The HRS School of Governance is established to improve the understanding of governance mechanisms among young people in the UK, encouraging them to engage with decision-making processes and express themselves more competently in the public sphere.

We observe that the world is changing. Global politics are shifting, old systems are breaking down and a new generation is emerging, bringing new forms of ideologies. Our digital generation is anti-hegemonic, difficult to satisfy, emotionally thinking, and disappointed with the current state of affairs in the world. In the UK, we have a growing number of talented young people studying at top universities, but we are yet to provide a direction to them. The HRS School of Governance (SoG) was created as a response to this observation. It’s not a final answer, but a step forward, a space where young people can learn, connect, and start shaping the future they want to see.

The HRS School of Governance guides students in their individual and group studies through various ways. These include think-tank follow ups, human rights activism, parliamentary activism, international event participation, external courses, party conference participation and monthly reading circles. The SoG also runs two clubs within its Discord server: Debate Club and Writing Club. The School of Governance hosts two annual programmes where every member is expected to attend. The first one is a Reading & Research Camp which will take place in the British Library and SOAS Library premises. The second one is in-office Workshops & London Trips which will be held in the HRS office, the Parliament, the Supreme Court and the like.

A majority of the SoG events take place online, or on the premises of think tanks and foundations that are attended to. To be a student at the SoG, one should be a promising youth, speak fluent English, be under the age of 30 and be willing to read an extra book a month, make a summary and present the content in SoG gatherings. Students are expected to make an active participation of 4 hours a week and a minimum reading and research time of 8 hours a week.

Applications for the 2026/2027 School of Governance will open in September 2025. Applicants need to submit a CV and a personal statement letter as proof of their willingness to fulfil the requirements of the programme to .

We’re looking forward to seeing you there.

On Press Freedom Day, HRS unveiled a Justice Wall at The Guardian, honoring imprisoned journalists and demanding global press freedom. On May 3rd, World Press Freedom Day, Human Rights Solidarity (HRS) carried out a powerful and meaningful demonstration in London to draw attention to press freedom and show support for imprisoned journalists. In front of the headquarters of the renowned newspaper The Guardian, we installed a five-meter-long Justice Wall, displaying posters of 11 journalists representing the nearly 400 journalists currently imprisoned worldwide.

The event attracted strong interest from journalists and human rights defenders. Reporters and editors from The Guardian wrote supportive messages on the wall. One of the newspaper’s writers and editors, Simon Hattenstone, expressed his appreciation for the demonstration taking place in front of his workplace. “This is a valuable initiative. Defending press freedom and speaking out for imprisoned or killed journalists is extremely important. Without a free press, a free world is impossible,” he said. He added that while journalism in the UK is relatively easy, it is far more difficult in countries like Turkey, Eritrea, and others. “I deeply respect your efforts to shed light on the horrific conditions in the countries represented here today,” he added.

Among the participants was Tarık Toros, a journalist living in exile from Turkey. Journalists from Eritrea, including Marymagdalene Asefaw of Desta TV, Amanuel Eyasu of Asena TV, and Tesfalem Araia from BBC Tigrinya Service, also attended and covered the event.

The demonstration received written support from prominent organizations, including the International Bar Association’s Human Rights Institute (IBAHRI), the Sweden-based Edelstam Foundation, the Canada-based Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights (RWCHR), and the Eritrea Focus research center.

Among the displayed posters were journalists such as Mehmet Baransu, Ali Ünal, and Serdar Altan, who have been imprisoned in Turkey for years. One of the most striking figures featured was Dawit Isaak, a 61-year-old journalist, author, and playwright, who has been detained in Eritrea for 24 years without charge. A Swedish citizen, Isaak is considered one of the longest-imprisoned journalists in the world. His poster drew particular attention from Eritrean journalists.

Throughout the event, participants emphasized that press freedom is not just a media issue, but a fundamental human right. Tarık Toros stated, “When journalists are silenced, the truth is silenced. Press freedom is not up for debate.” Holding the posters of Dawit Isaak and Ali Ünal, Amanuel Eyasu highlighted that both were imprisoned simply for doing their jobs. “Repressive regimes are not the only ones responsible for these injustices — our silence plays a role too. These journalists work to be the voice of the voiceless, yet we remain quiet. It’s time to rise and act as an international community,” he said.

Speaking on behalf of HRS, lawyer Burak Batuhan emphasized that press freedom is under unprecedented threat. Citing Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) data showing 361 journalists currently imprisoned worldwide, he said: “We are honoring those who risk everything to expose corruption, human rights violations, and global crises. By displaying the posters of journalists like Dawit Isaak and Ali Ünal, we aim to amplify their voices with our five-meter-long Justice Wall. Their courage must never be forgotten.”

Batuhan also noted the increasing algorithmic suppression on social media and stated that press freedom is not only a right, but the lifeblood of democracy. He added, “Governments must enact laws and policies to ensure the safety of journalists. Tech companies should develop algorithms that prioritize reliable journalism over disinformation. We call on global media, civil society, politicians, and individuals: Join us. Raise your voice against censorship and injustice. Advocate for the release of imprisoned journalists.”

Throughout the day, supporters left written messages on the wall and shared powerful posts on social media. On this important occasion, we aimed to raise public awareness and send a strong message on behalf of silenced journalists.

We will continue to stand up for press freedom and give space to voices that have been silenced.

On International Women’s Day 2025, HRS reaffirms its commitment to empowering women, promoting equality, and ensuring freedom and security worldwide. Today, March 8th, 2025, we come together to celebrate International Women’s Day—a day to honour the courage, brilliance, and resilience of women and girls everywhere. At Human Rights Solidarity (HRS), we stand tall on this occasion, recommitting ourselves to a vision of a world where every woman is empowered, valued, and a full partner in the decisions that shape her future. We strive for a tomorrow where equality, security, and freedom are not distant dreams but everyday truths for all.

This year, the United Nations has given us a powerful theme for 2025: “For All Women and Girls: Rights, Equality, Empowerment.” It’s a rallying cry that shines a light on the stubborn challenges holding women back. The latest UN Women report, marking the 30th anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action—signed by 189 countries in 1995 tells a story of both hope and heartbreak. Yes, there’s been progress over these three decades, but the report lays bare a harsh reality: women’s rights are slipping away, eroded by the collapse of democratic foundations. UN Secretary-General António Guterres has issued a stark warning: instead of advancing equality, we’re seeing misogyny creep into the mainstream. This isn’t just a stumble it’s a call to action.

Here are some of the key findings of the UN Women Report:

• One in four countries has watched women’s rights erode over the past year, battered by weakening democracies, rising conflicts, humanitarian crises, and climate chaos.
• Anti-rights movements are digging in, blocking legal reforms and slowing the march toward gender equality.
• Women’s political representation has doubled in 30 years—yet men still hold 75% of parliamentary seats, and only 87 countries have ever elected a woman to lead.
• Social protections—like healthcare and safety from violence—have grown stronger, but 2 billion women and girls remain shut out from these rights.
• While 88% of countries have laws to fight violence against women, women still possess just 64% of the legal rights men enjoy.
• And in conflict zones, war-related sexual violence has surged by 50% since 2022, with women and girls accounting for 95% of the victims.
• These aren’t just statistics they’re the daily struggles of millions. And in some parts of the world, the picture grows even darker. 

Countries with Severe Violations of Women’s Rights 

At HRS, we’ve seen how women and girls continue to face brutal discrimination and violence in too many places. Let me take you through a few:

Afghanistan: The Taliban has stripped women of education and jobs, enforcing what the UN and Amnesty International call “gender apartheid.”

Iran: Women face unequal laws in marriage, divorce, and inheritance. Between 2021 and 2024, 180 women were killed by their husbands some in the name of “honor.”

Turkey: Male violence rages on, worsened by the country’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention. Women are jailed on terrorism charges for their beliefs, and girls under 18 face trials for studying or watching movies together.  

Saudi Arabia: Women still need male approval to marry, travel, or access services, their public lives tightly controlled.

Somalia: With a 98% prevalence rate, female genital mutilation scars nearly every woman and girl, bringing lifelong health risks.

Pakistan: Honor killings, acid attacks, and forced marriages remain a grim reality.

India: Rape, domestic violence, and trafficking endure, alongside practices like dowry killings and gender-selective abortion.

These stories are a wake-up call. But they’re not the end. At HRS, we know change is within reach and it’s urgent. We call on governments, the private sector, civil society, and every one of you to step up. Protect women’s rights. Fight for gender equality. Turn the promises of 1995 into action today. The time for meaningful change is now.

Together, let’s forge a world where every woman and girl can rise, thrive, and lead because when women are free, humanity wins.